In the June 5
th issue of
The New Yorker Adam Gopnik writes about current trend in
revisionist history within the context of David Andress, new book on French revolution “The Terror: The Merciless War for Freedom in Revolutionary France”.
Talking about recent revisionist works, he says,
“Revisionism in history knows no boundaries. Just in the past few years, we have been told that that comet may have glanced right off the dinosaurs, prodding a few toward flight and feathers; that the German blitzkrieg barely meandered across Europe; and that Genghis Khan was actually a sharing and caring and ecumenical leader, Bill Moyers with a mustache and colorful folk costume.”
During the bicentennial celebration of French revolution in 1989, which also marked the fall of the Berlin wall, several divergent views of the revolution were heard. And with the slicing and dicing, still in vogue, the words of former Chinese premier Zhou En Lai seem prophetic – that it is too soon to give an opinion on the French revolution.
While it is beyond argument that the revolution unleashed complex thoughts; it marked an emergence of rational consciousness, rise of individualism; divided left vs. right, etc. – what interests me is how historians can follow a thread or a personality, create a perspective, and then expand it to explain the entire event and how popular opinion changes with them – time to time. Take for example, general opinion on Marx and Hegel.
The revolution had undeniable influence on both of them. Popular belief is Marxian economics is synonymous with socialism – meaning state owned enterprise, lack of individual rights, centralized planning, anti-capitalism, and anti-liberty. Marx drew his ideas from the French revolution and that fed to the Bolsheviks. As the Soviets grew in stature, so did the glory of Marxism - influencing few generations across the globe. Tremendous progress in science and technology was thought to be Marx's gift until "the wall" came down, and all of a sudden atheist Marx was contemplated to be burning in hell.
When Soviets were exloring the cosmos, the rest of world was drawn into Keynesian economics which encouraged big government involvement as the answer to the woes of great depression. Free-market proponents like F.A Hayek were ignored. In fact, it seems, he even avoided debating Keynes. Milton Friedman was not well-received for a long time. Then after the Soviet collapse, and demise of Marxism, one after the other, Nobel prizes for 1990, 1991, 1992, and 1993 went to Univ. of Chicago in celebration of monetarist economics.
With this onslaught on Marx, the former Marxist social economists could not be quiet for long. They said – wait a minute – let’s examine what Marx really said. And as it turns out that Marx himself was not Marxist. It seems he actually indicated that capitalism will grow into a world order; globalize commerce by trade and exchange. Much to the chagrin of those who think he was anti-globalist, he predicted globalization. He wrote that the need for a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe and by rapid improvement of all instruments of productions and communications draws all men even the barbarian nations into civilization. While the fall of Berlin wall brought Fukuyama to write End of History, devoted Marxians argued that the end is yet to come when the true freedom will be realized through interdependence. There are many countries in the world that have not reached the point - India and China are showing dynamic capitalism and Africa is stilll under feudal and mafia lords .
Marx may be passe' in western world, but his ideals will live on. Sixteen years later, Fukuyama, on the other hand, revised or had to keep explaining what he really meant. This continued through his recent book – “America at the cross-roads”. After all, he was influenced by Kojève who proclaimed himself as “Marxist on the right” – a rather uncommon breed!
Fukuyama also did one more thing – he glorified Hegel. But Fukuyama's Hegel and Hegel’s Hegel were not exactly the same. Hegel, shaped by "globalization" of his Germany by French revolution, gave an idea, a world-view where superstitions disappear; cultures grow more homogeneous; life becomes increasingly rational. As progress happened, he viewed mankind to become more aware of history and use it to his own advantage to reach the end when self-consciousness will become common and universal property of mankind. This made Hegel materialistic, individualistic, and any left leaning person would think twice before coming close to his thoughts for a long time. But not anymore – on rethinking he is found to have stated that individual cannot realize consciousness unless he internalizes within collective setup of a community or civil society, exisitng under the aegis of the state. In sum, he is neither a small government proponent nor a laissez-faire economist.
Even though, we are currently living in a world where unmindful obstinacy and inflexibility, as shown by many of our current leaders, are construed as strengths; and changing minds even in wake of life-altering events as “flip-flopping”, revisionist history is important since big events in history will have diverse opinions. But as Gopnik says whether revisions or rethinkers turn something flat into something three-dimensional or just hangs it on the wall upside down is the real question.
As he says, history is not to give us time, distance, and a sense of proportion. Whether you say “Once upon a time…” or “In 1789…” it was a long time back for us anyway – what difference does it make? Or, half a million people died, how it matters anymore. History goes beyond Hegel's view of following the life and stories of a few, those who are in lead roles, like a Bollywood movie. History is not about treating people as numbers. Great historians as he says, give us -
“ … a renewed sense of sorrow and anger and pity for history’s victims—for some luckless middle-aged Frenchman standing in the cold gray, shivering as he watches the members of his family being tied up and having their heads cut off. Read Gibbon on the destruction of the Alexandria library by the Christians, or E. P. Thompson on the Luddites—not to mention Robert Conquest on the Gulag—and suddenly old murders matter again; the glory of the work of these historians is that the right of the dead to have their pain and suffering taken seriously is being honored. It is not for history to supply us with a sense of history. Life always supplies us with a sense of history. It is for history to supply us with a sense of life.”